Between 2023 and 2025, the Special Prosecution Office Against Organized Crime and Corruption (SPAK) has taken significant action against several structured criminal groups suspected of involvement in electoral crimes during the 2021 elections, particularly in the districts of Shkodër, Durrës, Elbasan, and Lezha.

Investigative media reports have revealed that some of these criminal groups, primarily involved in drug trafficking, were actively engaged in vote buying during the 2021 elections campaign. In exchange for delivering votes, they received economic benefits, favors, or the ability to place loyal individuals in key positions of influence.

Ahead of the 2025 elections, many of the leaders of these groups have been arrested, declared fugitives, prosecuted, or have fled the country (as of 2024). However, their economic and social influence at the local level remains significant, and media sources indicate that these networks are once again mobilizing to secure votes either through vote buying or by exerting physical pressure and intimidation on voters[i].

In Elbasan reports indicate that group members have been settling outstanding debts at grocery stores frequented by unemployed families who receive food on credit. They are also reportedly sponsoring electoral events and engaging in acts of coercion or violence against voters.

In Durrës, there is concern that rival criminal groups may not only participate in the elections at the request of political actors (parties or candidates) but may also take action to undermine each other’s influence by “investing” in politically powerful entities as a means of gaining territorial or economic control.

Shkodër and Fier districts are similarly classified as a high-risk electoral zone, due to the active political ambitions of the party led by Mr. Tom Doshi.

Criminal Influence Map for the May 11 Elections:

• High Risk of Criminal Influence in the districts of Durrës, Elbasan, Fier, and Shkodër.
• Moderate Risk with Signs of Criminal Involvement in Lezhë and Tirana.
• Potential for Tensions and Clashes in Tirana, Lezha, Dibra, Fier, Elbasan, Kukes and Shkodër.

The ultimate goal of the Criminal Groups is:

• To gain economic advantages in public tenders, privatizations, fiscal incentives and administration, the authorization of gambling points, etc.
• To avoid the targeting and prosecution of “schemes” and “networks” used for laundering the proceeds of criminal offenses through public tenders, auctions, and privatizations.
• To obstruct SPAK (Special Anti-Corruption Structure) and Law Enforcement Agencies, and to prevent the seizure, freezing, and confiscation of assets linked to organized crime or acquired through the proceeds of criminal conduct.

Some of these criminal groups, operating in regions such as Durrës[ii], Elbasan[iii], Shkoder[iv], Fier[v], and Malësia e Madhe, are believed to have exerted significant influence over the appointment of trusted affiliates to senior positions within state institutions. This influence extends to the governance and management of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), raising concerns about the infiltration of organized crime networks into public administration and the misuse of public resources for criminal or political purposes[vi].

This document presents a series of concerns related to the integrity of the electoral process and the right to vote in the context of May 11^th, 2025, Parliamentary Elections, as identified by AIS.

The observations stem from AIS’s long-term monitoring of public expenditures and procurement through our three watchdog and data disclosing platforms: Open Procurement Albania; Open Spending Albania; Open Corporates Albania

During the 2017 elections, AIS implemented the ICT for Fair Elections project, which tracked and mapped electoral violations based on citizen reports. Unfortunately, this initiative is not active for the 2025 elections due to a lack of funding (Raise Voice Albania – Make Elections Count Za’Lart 2017 ).

This report also draws on journalistic investigations and media content, particularly from journalists specializing in anti-corruption issues. AIS maintains strong partnerships with investigative journalists, supporting and empowering them through access to well-structured and Open DataBases.

#OpenProcurementAlbania #SpendingDataAlbania #ElectoralProcess2025 #AlbaniaElections #Zgjedhjet2025 #Elections2025 hashtag#IntegritetiZgjedhore #EmpoweringFactBasedJournalismAlbania #OpenDataAlbania

[i] Krimet zgjedhore, Lala dhe Zhabina: Në Elbasan edhe po nuk e shite votën ta marrin me kallash te koka |

[ii] Durrës. This district has the highest number of criminal groups engaged in criminal activities and influencing electoral matters. A notable case is the Organized Criminal Group of the “Avdulajs,” who operated in the Durrës district and influenced the 2021 elections by placing former Socialist MP Jurigis Cyrbja on the Candidate List. The MP is currently under criminal investigation and in preventive detention. Some members of the group may still be active. [Vote buying and crime, former MP Jurgis Çyrbja arrested ]  In addition, several other groups and individuals with significant criminal activity, potential, and involvement in electoral campaigns have been identified. Media Articles 2024: [Following the testimony of the cooperating witness, Nuredin D., the police raided the residence of Xhevdet Troplini, whose alias is ‘Poja,’ and carried out a house search]   [ Biography: Who is Visi i Pojes, alias Ervis Doçi, whose 3 million euros were seized by SPAK in his residence?]

The “level of activity” remains high, making Durrës a high-risk area for criminal influence in the elections.

[iii] Elbasan. This is the district with significant criminal activity from several organized crime groups. The most prominent among them is the criminal group led by Suel Çela. This group has been targeted by SPAK (in cooperation with EUROJUST and partner authorities in EU countries). Eighteen individuals have been detained for serious criminal offenses. However, the leader of the gang remains at large and is still wanted by the authorities. [The electoral campaign in Elbasan is being held with fear and under the shadow of Suel Çela’s group] This criminal group continues its operations on the ground, aiming to maintain “certain connections” with individuals in power and preserve its economic influence. Local journalists report that members of this group are settling debts incurred at grocery stores where unemployed families regularly receive food on credit. The group also sponsors electoral events and exerts pressure or physical violence on voters. Despite ongoing criminal proceedings and arrests made under SPAK’s orders, Suel Çela’s group in Elbasan continues to be a financially powerful and active player in the 2025 election campaign (media source).

[Under SPAK’s monitoring, who are the two candidates suspected of being supported by crime in Durrës and Elbasan?]

[iv] Shkoder. The Special Anti-Corruption Structure (SPAK) has undertaken law enforcement operations against two high-risk organized crime groups: the Bajraj criminal group and the organization led by Pellumb Gjoka, referenced in the “Metamorphosis” case file (2023-2024). Shkoder remains a district with heightened security concerns, particularly in the final days and hours preceding the upcoming elections, where potential for confrontation is significantly elevated. The region is characterized by substantial economic interests. (North part of Adriatik Coas)

[v] Fier. The journalistic sources have provided indications of actions by businesses under investigation by SPAK, which have strong ties to local officials. One group is led by an individual known as a businessman, who is a regular winner of public tenders. The individual in question has won public tenders in three municipalities within the Fier district. [The “strongman” of Fier, Renato Çami, is under investigation by SPAK; Mayor Armando Subashi awards him a €1.1 million tender] In this district (Fier), activity and influence are also expected from other individuals with criminal records who have been declared wanted. In this district, more than one criminal group is active, and the competition for parliamentary mandates may be intense.

[v] [News24, through its investigative program Shenjester, aired on April 29: “The director is on fire — now’s the time to secure some funding”- How Suel Çela instructed Bruno Hazizolli to meet with Luan Tabaku in order to influence his appointment as Deputy Director at… – BalkanWeb.com – News24]

Note. Luan Tabaku is the Director of a State-Owned Enterprise (SOE); Suel Çela is the leader of a structured criminal group currently under investigation and prosecution by SPAK (Special Anti-Corruption Structure); Bruno Hazizolli is a member of this criminal organization.

An investigative report has identified four businesses owned by members of the criminal group and their relatives, which have secured public contracts with state-owned enterprises and municipalities, including those in Elbasan, Peqin, Cërrik, Prrenjas, and Kuçovë.

[vi] [News24, through its investigative program Shenjester, aired on April 29: “The director is on fire — now’s the time to secure some funding”- How Suel Çela instructed Bruno Hazizolli to meet with Luan Tabaku in order to influence his appointment as Deputy Director at… – BalkanWeb.com – News24]. Note. Luan Tabaku is the Director of a State-Owned Enterprise (SOE); Suel Çela is the leader of a structured criminal group currently under investigation and prosecution by SPAK (Special Anti-Corruption Structure); Bruno Hazizolli is a member of this criminal organization. An investigative report has identified four businesses owned by members of the criminal group and their relatives, which have secured public contracts with state-owned enterprises and municipalities, including those in Elbasan, Peqin, Cërrik, Prrenjas, and Kuçovë.

The organization AIS, promoter of Open Data Albania, has taken part in the public consultation process with the Albanian Government following the preparation of the Draft Law on Concessions and Public – Private Partnerships (PPP).

This draft law represents both an obligation and a commitment by the Albanian State to align with EU Directives 2014/23/EU, 2014/24/EU, and 2014/25/EU.

In April 2024, the Albanian Government established a Working Group led by the Ministry of Economy, Culture, and Innovation for the drafting of this legislation. On May 6th, 2025, the Working Group published Draft Law and its accompanying Explanatory Report on the Government’s Public Consultation Platform:

AIS has long-standing experience in the field of public procurement and contracting, having actively promoted Open Contracting standards and analyzed public procurement practices for transparency, efficiency, and competitiveness. The organization has previously contributed to the Public Consultation processes for the Public Procurement Law (2020) and its amendments (2024).

AIS submitted detailed questions, comments, requests, and suggestions to the Government Working Group through the consultation platform and via email.

AIS concludes that the current Draft Law does not meet the necessary standards for proper approximation with EU Directives. The draft contains multiple ambiguities, lacks guarantee for integrity and competitive procedures in the PPP sector, and fails to ensure inclusive consultation with public institutions affected by its field of application. Additionally, the draft does not address the need for improved legal regulation and clarity, which is critical considering Albania’s recent high-risk experiences with PPPs and concessions. As of now, 7 out of 15 budget-supported PPP/concession contracts are under investigation by the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecution Office.

AIS recommends:

• Returning the draft to the Working Group for comprehensive revision.
• Expanding the Working Group to include public institutions directly impacted by the law.
• Organizing roundtables and public platforms with civil society and local government representatives.
• Drafting a Compatibility Report with EU Directives during the early stages of law preparation.

Key concerns highlighted by AIS include:

• Field of Application of the Law (Article 4): The draft expands the law’s applicability to sectors such as science and education, IT infrastructure, and prison and judicial infrastructure. The applicable models are unclear, and relevant institutions have not been consulted. AIS recommends thorough revision and consultation with stakeholders.
• The “Albania 1 Euro” PPP Model: Article 4(3) includes exaggerated provisions on 1-euro concessions. This concept, used in Albania to attract investors, should not be embedded in long-term contracts and has no precedent in EU PPP legislation.
• Excessive Powers to the Council of Ministers: Article 4(2) grants the Council of Ministers discretionary power to expand the law’s field of application beyond what is legally defined. This undermines legal certainty.
• Transparency and Public Access to Information: Article 15 (PPP/Concession Registry) lacks strong provisions for transparency and continuous public access. The article is too brief and does not guarantee meaningful public access. Furthermore, the draft allows private partners to unilaterally define confidential and commercially sensitive contract elements.
• Functioning of the Supervisory Agency (Article 12): Provisions in paragraphs 4 and 5 regarding the Concessions Treatment Agency’s (ATRAKO) financial operations are unclear. The draft envisions funding through donations rather than direct public budgeting, which is unsuitable for a public oversight body.
• Unsolicited Proposals (Article 19, point d): The draft allows unsolicited proposals in certain sectors. AIS suggests minimizing the scope for such proposals due to associated risks.
• Lack of Timeline for Secondary Legislation: The Explanatory Report does not include a timeline for the adoption of bylaws necessary for implementation. Without these acts, the law cannot function properly.
• Transparency of Beneficial Ownership: The draft lacks provisions on the verification and transparency of the private partner’s beneficial ownership. No clauses require disclosure or approval of shareholder changes in Albanian or foreign commercial registers.
• Flexibility and Risk of Contract Modifications: The draft allows contract modifications of up to 50% of the original value without competitive procedures, control, or transparency – posing significant risk.

In light of the above, AIS urges that the Draft Law be returned for in-depth review. The Working Group should be expanded to include other relevant state institutions.

The Ministry of Economy, Culture, and Innovation (MEKI), in cooperation with the Public Procurement Agency (APP), should activate a civil society engagement platform, including at least one roundtable for presentations, discussion, and feedback. This law is a crucial requirement under Cluster 1, Chapter 5 (Public Procurement) of the EU integration process.

AIS further recommends:

• That the Working Group prepares draft secondary legislation before the law is submitted to Parliament.
• That the public consultation process includes both the Draft Law and draft implementing acts before submission to Parliament.

The accompanying Explanatory Report should be enriched with arguments and analysis on alignment with EU Directives, as well as lessons learned from Albania’s problematic experiences with PPPs and concessions currently under criminal investigation.

AIS has developed a Transparency Register for PPPs and Concessions operating in Albania, available. This register includes data on awarded contracts, implementing business entities, contract subjects, economic performance, financial and administrative management, and budget payments.

Additionally, the Open Data Albania portal presents indicators on the performance of PPPs and concessions. Between 2013 and 2025, Albania approved or operated 280 PPP/concession contracts across sectors including health, waste processing (incinerators), road transport, ports, airports, educational and water infrastructure. Of these, 15 contracts receive direct budget support. Contingent liabilities for these contracts amount to approximately 10% of Albania’s GDP – making it the most financially exposed country in Europe in terms of PPP-related obligations.